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Changing Place/Changing Times |
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Published in Fall-Winter 2004
Invisible Insurrection |
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"Architecture, Technology
& Surveillance After 9-11" |
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Chicago is a city known for its buildings,
rather than its spaces. One thinks of the Sears
Tower, the John
Hancock Center, Lake
Point Tower, Marina City, all remarkable examples of the
high-rise as an object. Each creates a place within the city
through its form, of these examples only Marina
City goes one step further and creates a space, the space
between the two “corncob” towers as well as the
interstitial spaces between each project element. Here, the
spaces are leftover from the congested use of the site for
different uses (residential, hotel, cultural, parking) within
different objects (five in all). Physically it’s a fascinating
place, but its relationship to the city around it happens
really only at the river with a boat dock and a restaurant;
otherwise its focus is internal, a city unto itself, as its
name suggests.
But when one thinks of the great urban spaces of the Windy
City, things are a little more complicated. Grant Park and
Lincoln Park are great amenities, as are many other parks
around the city, be them next to Lake Michigan or removed
from its shores, but these are not spaces formed by the buildings
around them as they are formed by streets and natural features
like the lakefront. Grant Park does have the street
wall of South Michigan Avenue, a true defining element
but one that disappears in many parts of the large park. Likewise
the high-rise residential towers around Lincoln Park make
one aware of the park’s edges, but they don’t
provide its definition, per se.
One needs to travel into the Loop to experience spaces truly
defined by buildings, where one can start to search for spaces
that fit the definition of great and urban. But things are
just as complicated in the Loop as elsewhere, most plazas
being leftover spaces rather than well-designed, civic spaces.
This is partly due to economics, zoning, and other factors,
but also to the fact that it is difficult to create spaces
scaled to the city without building on more than one block.
Where this circumstance does happen is at the Chicago
Federal Center, bridging Dearborn Street between Adams
Street and Jackson Boulevard, finished in 1974 and chiefly
designed by the legendary Ludwig
Mies van der Rohe. |
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The Federal Center is made up of four structures,
three buildings – the 36-story Everett
McKinley Dirksen Building east of Dearborn, the 42-story
John
C. Kluczynski Building along Jackson, and the one-story
U.S. Post Office in the northwest corner at Clark and Adams
– and a sculpture by Alexander Calder titled "Flamingo".
Each of the buildings is done in the signature Mies style;
steel and glass boxes with articulated steel I-beam vertical
mullions as part of the exterior curtain wall. Their uniformity
of appearance gives the space a cohesiveness and singularity
that is elegantly offset by the Calder sculpture, steel like
the buildings but curving and bright red like the black buildings’
antithesis.
While the buildings that define the plaza at Federal Center
appear simple, the space is anything but. Each building works
together to create a total composition that would fall apart
if one piece were removed, the space likewise failing if one
piece were changed. Proportionally, each building works almost
perfectly. The block-long Dirksen building is the shorter
of the two multi-story buildings, the Kluczynski building
taller but with a smaller footprint, almost like the Dirksen
on its side. The 42-story building is broken vertically by
a louvered band at the mechanical floors, a band that mediates
between the lower Post Office and the 36-story building across
the street. Suffice to say the Federal Center is a composition
where the parts work together to create something larger than
their individual pieces. Spatially, the Post Office is the
most important structure, its low height allowing for unimpeded
views of other Loop buildings, new and old. These other buildings
are brought into the plaza space as the viewer gets a glimpse
at the sides of buildings that the density of the Loop otherwise
doesn’t allow. Around the two other Federal buildings,
space is more elusive, wrapping the corners of the buildings
and implied and less direct in its effect. Nevertheless it’s
a powerful 360-degree composition of creating a space within
the city and relating to it in a unique way. Most importantly,
the space allows for public access across the plaza in multiple
directions beyond the Chicago grid; there is – or more
accurately was – even access through the Dirksen building
to the shopping on State Street beyond.
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Shortly after the attacks on September 11,
2001, concrete barriers sprung up around the plaza, allowing
people to traverse the spaces through narrow gaps, but intended
to secure the federal buildings from any imminent terrorist
attack. At the time it was a logical, temporary measure, symbolic
of the public’s acceptance of terrorism as a threat
warranting some sort of protection. But, like the restrictions
of public freedoms in the PATRIOT ACT, the initial barricades
– and subsequent, designed solution – affects
the public domain, an important aspect of our freedoms, be
it through the expression of free speech and demonstration
or even the freedom to walk across a plaza or take a photograph.
The first barricades, known as Jersey
barriers, are a ubiquitous part of American civilization,
found on highways and other roadways across the country. Usually
they are involved with construction and therefore viewed as
temporary, their situation at the Federal Center no different.
But with terrorism becoming the number one concern for the
public and the federal government (from basically nothing
to everything overnight), a protective solution would require
in-depth thought and time, lots of time. So the Jersey barriers
would be hanging around the plaza long after they wore out
their welcome. To alleviate this problem, some were painted
red, white, and blue, patriotic symbols of our freedom, as
much as the concrete barriers they covered. Their presence
discouraged the public’s use of the space, a popular
place for lunches and other work-day activities, as well as
host for events like the nearby Berghoff
Restaurant’s Oktoberfest celebration. The plaza
went from active to dormant.
The Federal Center’s owner and operator, the U.S.
General Services Administration (GSA), held a design charette
in early 2002 to develop a solution for the plaza’s
security, primarily to protect the buildings from a truck
bomb. Although they had other concerns, this predicament is
the most physically overt and ultimately obtrusive in terms
of a solution. Driven by concerns raised from the Oklahoma
City bombing, some sort of barricade would be needed to keep
vehicles away from the buildings, but the question remained
of how these barricades would look. Heavy planters were installed
after the incident at the Alfred P. Murrah Building in Oklahoma
City, but more would be needed to ensure total security of
the perimeter, while also returning the plaza to its previous
incarnation as an inviting public space.
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The outcome of the charette – the design
that’s in place – are rows and rows of square bollards,
faced in stone and just above waist height. Roughly two-feet
square in plan, the bollards are spaced with room for about
two bollards in between, giving the impression that there is
more void than solid. Also their spacing follows the joints
of the stone paving covering the plaza and surrounding sidewalks,
something of which Mies would be proud. In my opinion it is
trite and predictable, creating unrelenting lines of bollards
that are occassionally broken by the aforementioned planters,
all faced in the same stone. On a positive note, the bollards
are a definite improvement upon the Jersey barriers, they do
relate (albeit simplistically) to the square column covers of
the Federal Center buildings, and they distance themselves from
the lobbies only as much as they need to, so they don’t
infringe upon the plaza space too much.
Regardless, some areas the bollards are spaced so greatly and
tightly that it appears a systematic way of devising a solution
superceded any site-specific concerns. This happens especially
at street corners where two lines of bollards meet not at a
single bollard, but a grid of about eight bollards, in order
to alleviate congestion at the corner, but at the sake of creating
a complex, turnstile-like entry to the buildings. This last
analogy alludes to the biggest problem with the bollards at
the Federal Center; their existence as a barrier, an additional
layer in the public space of the plaza that impacts its use
and its physical embodiment of freedom.
Previously the plaza was an unencumbered space, its most prominent
occupant the Flamingo, with seating and planters scattered to
help break up the expanse of paving. This situation yielded
a truly free and open public space. Outside of the buildings,
motion across the space was your choice, no intermediate barriers
coerced or affected movement. Granted the bollards do allow
movement, but they affect the pedestrian mentally by creating
a psychological block to this unencumbered movement. It seems
small, but it’s a hinderance of our free and public space,
as much as the FBI being allowed to check credit statements
without just cause is a hinderence of our personal freedoms.
Loosely defined, public space is that which is shared by all
of us, an equalizer across genders, races, ages, etc. What constitutes
that public space is as important as the fact it exists. At
the Chicago Federal Center, we are being told that our public
space (our freedom) needs to be sacrificed to make things safer
for ourselves, something that most people would never argue,
but also something that most people wouldn’t question;
perhaps after the solution generated we need to do both.
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Text and images © John Hill |
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