Into this context walked artist Richard Serra in 1979, when the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) recommended him to the General Services Administration (GSA) for a sculpture at Javits Plaza, as part of the GSA’s Art-in-Architecture program that set aside 0.5% of a Federal building’s budget for artwork. Six years earlier architect Easton Poor – as part of his Art-in-Architecture proposal – recommended an abstract sculpture in steel or bronze in the plaza (Senie 22); this and the GSA’s established practice of choosing large-scale, abstract sculptures for federal plazas by this time made Serra’s approval a relatively easy one. Regardless, the artist was required to submit concept sketches, which he did in 1980 and which the GSA shortly thereafter approved. This submittal and approval is important because it shows that the Federal government (the client) knew what to expect for the space, though no view was re-leased to the public before its installation. Also important is that the artist and the client made an agreement that commission would be permanent (Serra 4).

On July 16, 1981 Tilted Arc was installed. Twelve feet high and 120 feet long, the 2-inch thick plane of Cor-ten (rusted) steel bisected the tapering plaza space in a gentle east-west arc which, as the name indicates, leaned in slightly at the top of the arc’s concave curve (Fig. 3). From the moment the sculpture was being installed the cries of protest began; Serra recalled the workers actually getting heat as they were installing it (Senie 25). Within a month of Tilted Arc’s installation, Judge Edward D. Re, who worked in the Customs Court, wrote two letters to the GSA requesting its removal. In the second letter, Re argued that the “120-foot wall effectively destroys not only the beauty and spaciousness of the plaza, but also the utility of the plaza, which has been used for ceremonies” (Weyergraf-Serra 26). Re’s comments were out of step with the critics who decried the plaza in its first incarnation, and he began a questionable argument (ceremonies) that lasted throughout the fight to remove the piece.

Field Observations

Observations and mapping of the space involved two site visits, the first one from 10:00am to 11:30am on Friday, April 13 and the second one from 11:45am to 1:00pm on Monday, April 23; each used 15-minute intervals to map the site. The weather on the first visit was cold, cloudy, and windy, so the population of the plaza was noticeably low. The second visit found the weather conditions close to ideal for using the plaza, with temperatures in the 70s, a mild breeze, and a cloudless sky; needless to say, the population was much higher. (Population and movement maps are included in this 1mb PDF file.) What follows is description and analysis broken down into movement, population, and use.

Movement Mapping

For the purposes of the study, movement maps are limited to the areas of and adjacent to the plaza, meaning the sidewalk spaces are not included but paths alongside the two Federal buildings are. The majority of the movement observed was for access in and out of the Javits Building’s entrance located on the west side of the plaza. Access to the Customs Court was minimal and is not included here, though one source of movement was to and from the Javits Building and Customs Court, pointing to potential restrictions in use of the pedestrian bridge that links the two buildings. Additionally, movement across the site also included people cutting through the plaza, mainly from Lafayette to Worth. Given the rise in the sidewalk from south to north, it appears many use the stairs to shorten their climb, moving horizontally across the plaza either on its main north-south path or along the eastern edge of the benches.

Five distinct paths (all to and from the Javits Building entrance) were predominant: along the east edge of the building to Worth Street, along the north edge of the Customs Court to Lafayette Street, directly east of the entry to Lafayette Street, and along the north-south spine of the plaza either continuing north to Worth Street or moving on a diagonal through the gap in the benches to the intersection of Lafayette and Worth Streets. Two of the five paths do not deal with the plaza directly, those along the face of the two Federal buildings. The remaining three paths follow the wide paths that are roughly perpendicular to the entries of both buildings. Comparing the “as-built” plan (Fig. 10) to the architect’s conceptual plan (Fig. 11), it is apparent that these paths existed in the original design but were widened to allow for wayfinding across the site. The conceptual plan appears to be envisioned as a destination and restricts movement across its surface. Further changes to the plan include simplification of some of the bench curls, elimination of two mounds, relocation of the remaining six, and a gap added in the southwest corner adjacent to the handicap ramp providing access to the raised podium of the Federal buildings.¹

But do these changes enable visitors (especially first-time ones) to create a reasonable cognitive map of the plaza in his or her head? Can visitors traverse the plaza, reaching their destination without confusion? Based on observations, these wide paths (Fig. 12) are helpful in wayfinding – “the mental process of orientation in space” (Correa de Jesus 33) – though it depends upon the person’s starting point and direction of travel. The most notable confusion observed happened when people walked towards the Javits entry from the street intersection on a diagonal line through the gap between the benches in the northeast corner.² On numerous occasions people continued their diagonal path into the mound area (the dashed lines best seen in the 10:30-10:45 slot on Friday, April 13 - PDF link), having to retrace their steps out of the closed loop and around the benches to the wide path perpendicular to the entrance. This observation, and the fact that most people walked around the whole mound before realizing their predicament, points to a secondary axis (in addition to the two primary ones perpendicular to the building entries) created via the gap between benches, apparently an axis not anticipated by the architects or client. Ironically this illustrates a limitation of movement not unlike Serra’s Tilted Arc, which required one to walk around it in order to traverse the plaza in the north-south direction.

This confusion created by the plaza’s plan illustrates the non-site-specific nature of the design. A further indication of this characteristic arises from the observation (documented in the field notes, not the maps) of individuals jay-walking on axis with the two main paths of the plaza, as if these paths extend invisibly across Worth and Lafayette Streets. Regardless of New Yorkers’ predilection for jay-walking, a more site-specific plan would have linked the building entries to the street intersection, something not commensurate with Schwartz’s desire to provide seating in the location of the old fountain, something she called “the only sunny portion of the site” (Schwartz). This assertion is questionable – as is her statement that “people who wish to sit can do so in either sun or shade” (Schwartz) in her plaza lacking trees³ or other shading devices – if we take the primary function of the plaza to be the lunchtime activities of the Federal employees. On sunny days during lunch the plaza is bathed in sunlight, even on Spring and Fall days, due to the low height of the Customs Court and the open eastern edge of the site. It’s not until the sun moves past the Javits Building, after the lunch hours, that the plaza receives shade.

Population Mapping

As mentioned previously, the two days of observation differed greatly in weather and population, so this section of mapping will focus on April 23, the warmer and more populous day. When I arrived 25 people were using the plaza, meaning seated or standing next to an empty or occupied bench; by the time I left 75 minutes later just over 70 people were using the plaza. The distribution of people on or near the benches during my stay was relatively even, though when fewer people occupied the space the population was predominantly on the southern half of the plaza. Given the great amount of benches (again, approximately 1,700 linear feet), a population of 70-75 people appears empty, perhaps stemming from, but not limited to, the even distribution.

Using Edward T. Hall’s theory of Proxemics as a model, the closest that strangers might sit is twelve feet (Hall 122), meaning solely individuals (occupying two feet of bench) would render a population of 121 people.⁴ This population is close to twice the average population of the April 23 visit, though this doesn’t necessarily mean the plaza is not being used successfully. Rather it might mean that the total length of bench is too great for the population willing to use the plaza during lunch.

Another means of judging the success of the space might be relative to the architect’s intentions. Schwartz contends that “The double strands of back-to-back benches loop back and forth and allow for a variety of seating – intimate circles for groups and outside curves for those who wish to lunch alone” (Schwartz). Though not explicit in her reasoning, it is assumed here the inside curves allow people to sit in closer proximity, while the outside curves force people apart and beyond one’s peripheral vision. In a few instances groups of three or more people did use the inside curves, though they did not limit themselves to these locations; in some cases groups located themselves on separate benches facing each other across a pathway. Likewise, individuals tended to use inside curves as much as outside ones, counter to Schwartz’s intentions, attributable in some cases to the increased privacy the mounds provide. What this analysis shows is that distribution on the benches is more multifaceted than intended, pointing to flexibility in the design and shading in the human perception of how to use the space, unlike the dichotomous framing of the architect’s intentions.

Use Analysis

From observations on the two visits, it’s apparent that the users of the plaza tend to fall into three categories: those with business in the Federal buildings (including employees and not), those passing through and/or staying for a short amount of time, and those who live in the area (particularly Chinatown). For the first group, the non-employees use the plaza to wait for their appointments. They tend to be Hispanic or other nationalities – due to the building’s function as an Immigration Court – carrying paperwork and sometimes looking through it before moving inside. One individual on a discussion forum indicated that he waited at the plaza four times during his naturalization process and lamented the space’s lack of shade (PDF file). This was reinforced on my second visit to the site, when, walking east on Worth Street, I noticed about 10-15 people sitting on planters along the north side of the Javits Building in its shadow; turning the corner to the plaza proper, I found only a few people using the sun-drenched benches on the northern half of the plaza.

The other half of the first group is clearly the plaza’s majority user, the Federal employees from the two buildings. Many smoke in the designated area on the raised portion in the space’s southwest corner (Fig. 15), but many smokers gravitate to the benches. As well, many people smoke along the east façade of the Javits Building, also moving to the benches on occasion. Other uses include eating lunch, reading, talking on a cell phone, and talking with one or more acquaintances. Whatever the use of the space, the duration observed was never more than 30 minutes, apparently long enough for some people to eat, read, and talk on their cell phone!

The second group of people is those who use the plaza to cut through from (typically) Lafayette to Worth Street, as mentioned previously. Occasionally people who fit this group will stop and sit for a short duration, sometimes looking at the courthouses across Foley Square, perusing a New York City travel book, or waiting for a friend, usually leaving as soon as their friend appears. The last group observed is residents, assumed to be from nearby Chinatown; in one case two Asian women stretched in one of the bench loops, a morning activity also observed by the other project members. Resident activities also included reading, just sitting, and meeting friends (parting ways immediately after meeting).

Uses observed tended to coincide with the planned demographic: Federal employees during lunch hours. An extension to to the rest of the daytime hours has occurred with the smokers spilling over from the designated smoking area. Regardless of the use group, visits tended to be short, due to factors both contextual – the location of the plaza in Lower Manhattan’s Civic Center – and design – the lack of shade and design features beyond seating.⁵

Aesthetic Analysis

Returning to the current design’s relationship to the site’s previous occupants – both the Serra piece and the temporary benches and planters – it is this paper’s contention that the success of the space is dependent upon how Schwartz approached her design in relation to these predecessors and in relation to aesthetics. These two approaches are linked in the way the benches refer to standard New York City park benches but depart from them in their length, their shape (curls), and their color. This can be read as a postmodern treatment, where type is seen as something plastic, to be modified for effect. Schwartz admits that “each element is tweaked slightly from its historic predecessor” (Schwartz), the benches referring to the Olmsteadean tradition of park design (Schwartz), the Federal government’s temporary solution for Javits Plaza (Fig. 16), and the curve of Serra’s Tilted Arc.⁶ She further refers to French parterres as inspiration. These ornamental gardens with paths defined by trimmed hedges are another reference layered upon the benches, though here landscape becomes furniture, requiring the occasional repainting rather than trimming.

Schwartz’s influences are therefore a combination of landscape and art, reinforced by her statement that “full art and landscape architectural design services were required for the transformation [of Javits Plaza] to take place” (Schwartz). Aesthetic responses to the plaza in online discussions are predominantly negative, describing it as ugly, bland and homogenous, cute but kitschy, and ridiculous (PDF file). But these aesthetic descriptions are also related to frustrations arising from the plaza’s function, or apparent lack thereof (lack of shade, poor circumnavigation), a consideration most public art projects would not be subject to.

Conclusion

To determine the success of Jacob Javits Plaza based on purely formal and aesthetic grounds would be incomplete, but to separate the formal morphology of the site from the human use of it is equally so. The plaza’s design is an amalgam of the Federal client’s wishes⁷, the site’s history, remote historical influences, postmodern theory, and site constraints. These considerations combine into a space the public interacts with, and these interactions help determine if the design as executed is successful. Even though Schwartz aimed to create a “lively open space” (Schwartz), the use of the space as observed is far from lively. If anything, the bright colors and playful forms seem to strive to offset the apparently sedate use of the space.⁸

If we return to intention as an indicator of the site’s success, then the plaza is fulfilling its intention of serving Federal employees. But if success depends upon use by the greater public, then the plaza is not entirely successful, attributable to the site’s location in the city and the design’s predilection for short-term and limited use. This is related to a lack of considering Proxemics, wayfinding, and cognitive mapping in the design, each linked in the excessive, curling benches. Primarily, the design’s limitations are due to its treatment as both art and landscape. Here art is used as a means of restricting use – in many ways echoing Richard Serra’s Tilted Arc – though here coupled with landscape architecture to provide a friendly, non-confrontational design.